Showing posts with label nunavut. Show all posts
Showing posts with label nunavut. Show all posts

Ensuring Equity for the Indigenous Within Their Nation-States for the Benefit of All





By Moki Kokoris Of all sectors of society that have historically been marginalized or effectively excluded from development planning and policymaking, indigenous peoples represent the group that poses the most complex challenges.

According to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, there are 370 million indigenous people in the world who to varying degrees “have retained social, cultural, economic and political characteristics that are distinct from those of the dominant societies in which they live.” However, maintaining these attributes has been very difficult because many nations continue to enforce assimilation policies, principally in the name of development – for the benefit of all.

While assimilation of native populations may be a well-intentioned objective of the countries that have engulfed these groups, it is debatable whether indigenous peoples desire the type of social inclusion that development in its varied forms can create. Development is a mixed blessing. Nevertheless, reality dictates that development is inevitable, and that resistance to it would likely bring about consequences far more adverse than those brought forth by acquiescence.

In an increasingly globalized world, maintaining the delicate balance between freedom and development is even more challenging for indigenous people because development typically entails significant natural resource exploitation. In regions where their ancestral lands are rich in these coveted resources, indigenous people are often viewed as obstacles and impediments to progress.

Problems arise as lands are claimed by nation-states without regard for the indigenous populations that rely on open access to these tracts for their livelihood. Land use rights for the native people range from limited rights to none at all, yet without those rights, indigenous people cannot engage in the development process.

Opposite to the accepted views of the industrialized world, to the indigenous people, their environment is not a “grocery store at the service of men.” Nor are land and its resources seen as economic assets; they are the very foundation of life. Development planners, however, have systematically disregarded the cultural context that distinguishes indigenous perspective from the Western. Consequently, the struggle for land recognition and territorial autonomy faces a complicated path forward as it strives to reach an equitable resolution.

Though development has brought about some undeniable gains, it has not been beneficial to indigenous peoples across all regions of the Far North. Native groups may wish to share in the benefits of the modern world to varying degrees, but many nation-states continue to ignore the capacity of indigenous peoples to formulate their own conceptions of development and devise strategies for carrying them out. Despite the growing number of prominent indigenous intellectuals and politicians, the idea is still widespread that indigenous peoples do not have a comprehensive understanding of the Western system of values. Even more detrimental is the presumption that a Western lifestyle is superior to their “primitive” traditional ways. The result is that consideration is rarely given to the idea that native people should have the option to choose whether or not to adopt it.

In addition to the central issue of land rights, another key factor that must be addressed is indigenous participation. Though they are longstanding core values in the Western world, sovereignty, self-governance and self-determination are not prerequisite concepts as they may relate to indigenous peoples. Even today, government leaders reserve the right to exploit resources in the name of “national interest” – regardless of whether the methods have adverse effects on native populations. While some reformative ethical advances in this respect have been made in Nunavut, Nunavik and Greenland, they are exceptions rather than the rule, and a pervasive tension between aspirations for development and the need for preservation still exists.

The Inuit people, whose communities are scattered across northern Alaska, northern Canada, Greenland, and the Chukotka region of eastern Siberia, are often regarded as “guardians of the Arctic,” yet each of these groups faces its own unique challenges.

After being accused of ignoring the human development of Inuit populations who lived within its borders during the time of colonization, Canada devised an ideologically-slanted strategy for Inuit development. Although the Inuit eventually achieved a pseudo-Western standard of living, the direct result of material improvement was cultural impoverishment. Even in rare cases where native people escaped material deprivation – alcoholism, prostitution, obesity, and alarming rates of suicide among young people have been prevalent conditions.  

In Canada and Greenland alike, efforts to assimilate Inuit into mainstream national society involved coercing tent and igloo-dwellers to give up their nomadic lifestyles and move to fixed settlements, with promises of security, reliable access to food, medical care and formal education. Well-meaning as these relocation efforts may have been, they nevertheless disconnected the Inuit from their traditional ways of life, which in turn led to a loss of self-identity. The ultimate side-effect of this process was that it forced the newly “civilized” hunters and their families to almost exclusively rely on government assistance, perpetuating the decline of self-worth.

In 2008, Greenland’s referendum on greater autonomy from Denmark was approved and Greenlanders were recognized as a separate people under international law. At present, international relations are largely left to the discretion of Greenland’s government. While Denmark still provides a substantial subsidy, that amount will gradually diminish as Greenland begins to collect revenues from the sale of its natural resources.

To many international investors, Greenland is seen as “the last frontier” and a resource bonanza. Though the Greenland Inuit welcome the possibility of economic opportunities, they are understandably skeptical of multinational interest in their natural resources, such as large-scale mining operations, which they know will have social, economic and environmental consequences. Additionally, the disappearance of sea ice could drastically change the composition of the circumpolar region by introducing new trade routes and increasing outside corporate investment. Collectively, these conditions pose ever-growing threats to the Greenland’s environment. Because they understand that they will be living with the direct effects of potentially large scale development, Greenland Inuit are seeking a larger role in the international decision-making process.

Despite regaining a high degree of control over their lands and embracing opportunities to create self-sustaining economies, most Inuit still face an uncertain future. Taking into account the impacts of climate and societal change, controversial hunting policies and regulations, compounded by global environmental pressures and uncertainty about the consequences of resource exploitation, the peoples of the Arctic seem to be on the verge of profound culture shock.

Therefore, the ramifications of fostering a capitalistic system should be carefully considered in the planning of development strategies across the Arctic. As one example, within the framework of indigenous communities, monetary income can only be used for the procurement of food and technology from the outside world. Though these goods are needed, they also weaken the traditional bond the native people have with their environment, thereby amplifying external dependency.

Elsewhere, particularly in the northern reaches of Russia, massive investment by numerous international oil consortia has created one of the world’s largest oil and gas industries. Until relatively recently, the indigenous people in these regions had managed to peacefully exist outside a political system in which economic development presumed the imagined consent of indigenous populations. However, due to external political pressure to include indigenous communities in their exploits, the energy companies are insisting on holding regular public meetings with the local people as a new form of “public relations.” The indigenous people across Siberia are granted token privileges under the guise of fair compensation as barter for exploitation of their ancestral lands – all in the name of development. Western ideology is forced on these native communities as a matter of course, under the pretense of “lifestyle improvement and modernization.” From their own perspective, however, the native groups feel that they are little more than ornaments to capital investment rather than symbols of a social system that promotes and ensures equity.

Though the concept has many connotations, when viewed through the scope of Western universalism, the term “development” frequently carries overtones of pretentiousness and arrogance. Furthermore, elitist leaders who choose to validate their political and economic claims by using the rhetoric of environmentalism and branding their activity as “sustainable development” whilst ignoring the ability of indigenous peoples to advance the process through active participation and traditional knowledge, are irresponsibly pushing entire societies into new conditions of cultural poverty and even extinction.

Instead of imposing on them models of development that are alien to these groups, it is imperative that the opinions of the native people are not only given voice at their respective government’s tables but that their right to self-determination is respected. Saying “no” to certain aspects of development should also be an indigenous prerogative. Only if and when native people are involved in the process will development in all its iterations have the best chance for success. Achieving these goals will require a drastic attitude shift on the part of policymakers and planners, and should include acknowledgement that traditional knowledge must be an integral part of development where it impacts indigenous communities. The main objective is to not only enable but to empower indigenous peoples to establish – for themselves and their nation-states – the best means of interaction that secures their traditional heritage and supports their cultural survival within the context of a contemporary world.

Indigenous peoples across the globe lay claim to an ancient ethic of responsibility toward the environment and all the creatures that thrive in it. They have survived for thousands of years by respecting nature and living sustainably in a symbiotic relationship with it. That fragile age-old balance is now under threat. In their inevitable collision with mainstream culture, native people face the prospect of a potential tragedy, namely that they could choose to set aside that traditional ethic, and risk destroying the resource base upon which their cultures was built. Yet even through their struggle for self-determination, they have much to teach us about human nature and quite possibly about the fate of humanity as a whole.

We in the allegedly more “civilized” world should not be presumptuous nor brazen enough to speak on their behalf nor act as their ambassadors. We cannot know what is best for indigenous peoples. Our obligation is to respectfully offer them an equal place at the decision-making table – for the benefit of all.


References:

[1] Nordregio. Indigenous population in the Arctic regions. Retrieved June 27, 2012 from  http://www.nordregio.se/en/Maps--Graphs/01-Population-and-demography/Indigenous-population-in-the-Arctic-regions/


Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. Approves New Resource Revenue Policy





By Alison Weisburger Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. (NTI), the birthright corporation to which all Nunavut Inuit belong as dictated by the Nunavut constitution, approved a new resource revenue policy that has been two years in the making.  As is stated in the official document, “the objective of the policy is to establish a clear, efficient and consensus-based policy to govern the use of a portion of the economic benefits derived from mineral resource development in Nunavut.”  


The policy applies to royalties from all mines on Inuit Owned Lands (IOLs), the domain of which were apportioned during the Nunavut land claims agreement. The primary feature of the policy is the requirement for a minimum 12 per cent Net Profit Interest Royalty.  The policy has been deemed applicable for all resource revenue since April 1, 2011. 


The revenue is to be paid into a Resource Revenue Trust that will be managed by seven trustees consisting of the president of NTI, the presidents of the three Regional Inuit Associations (RIA) in Nunavut, and three independent trustees. Fifty percent of revenue collected will go to an operating fund, while the other half of revenue will go to an endowment fund.  Income from the operating fund, after deducting operating costs, will be distributed annually based on a distribution formula of 30% to NTI, 10% for each RIA, and 40% to the RIAs split on a per capita basis. Income from the endowment fund will be distributed annually on the same distribution formula after the value of the fund exceeds $100 million.

The NTI press release on the policy summarizes how the income of the trust fund is to be spent after it is distributed: “Expenditures shall be for the purpose of providing both near-term and long-term sustainable benefits, and may be for economic, social, cultural, environmental or other purposes. Unless approved by NTI membership in exceptional circumstances, expenditures will not be made by NTI or an RIA in areas where government has primary responsibility.” Each RIA will be the primary decision-maker on the expenditure of the portion of trust funds that it receives, although any form of direct monetary distribution will need approval from at least 75% of NTI members. 


While this resource revenue policy was ostensibly created by NTI with the best interests of Nunavut Inuit in mind, and was approved by the representative members of NTI, there remains widespread disagreement within the wider Inuit community surrounding natural resource development on their lands.  Natural resource development and the corresponding resource revenue agreements on Inuit owned lands are controversial precisely because there are a wide variety of positions when it comes to defining the “best interests” of Inuit and the most effective ways to pursue these interests.



On the one hand, NTI has a strong case that the economic benefits derived from mineral development on IOLs through this resource revenue policy will bolster Inuit economy in Nunavut as never before. The mining industry has already spent $2.44 billion in Nunavut since 1999. There are now 82 active mining properties in Nunavut that contain gold, iron, silver, uranium, and other minerals. 


At least ten of these mines are very large properties expected to go into go into production within this decade. NTI President Cathy Towtongie has stated that NTI’s conservative predictions estimate that the policy will bring in around $2 billion in royalties over the next several decades. Towtongie has publicly asserted her confidence that resource revenue sharing is the right way forward for Inuit: “One of the last frontiers in the world is Nunavut and this is the way to plan for it — to create economic certainty for future generations.”


Nevertheless, even some Inuit who find natural resource development on IOLs acceptable still have reasons to criticize the structure of NTI’s revenue sharing policy. First, there is disappointment that the policy only applies to net profits, which are determined by the internal accounting of the mining companies. Net profits can differ greatly from gross profits depending on how much revenue is allotted to cover operating costs, salaries and wages, and various other expenses. 


Furthermore, there is a certain level of mistrust among some Inuit not only regarding the transparency and fairness of royalties calculated by resource development corporations, but also surrounding how NTI itself will manage and distribute money in the trust fund. The trustees of the resource revenue fund reserve the right to remove funds to cover operating expenses as they deem fit – a dangerous loophole in the eyes of those who are worried about the abuse of power for personal monetary gain that they have perceived in the past by the leaders of other native-run institutions.
Moreover, resource development has historically contributed little to sustainable economic development in the North.  A major concern is that even with a significant amount of revenue flowing into the trust and being distributed fairly, any investments made from this money will be worthless without the basis of a sustainable Northern economy and strong, healthy communities to build upon. 


Even more critical of NTI’s policy are Inuit who outright oppose natural resource development, arguing that the extraction of non-renewable resources is unsustainable by definition.  As precedent has suggested, “royalty regimes can promote development that can negatively affect the social, cultural, and environmental well being not only of their immediate areas, but in neighboring jurisdictions.”


Thus, while at face value the approval of this resource revenue policy by NTI may appear to represent consensus among Inuit about their position and expectations regarding mineral development on IOLs, this belies a much more nuanced truth.  Both outsiders and Inuit themselves need to keep in mind the myriad perspectives on the most advantageous way to go about natural resource development on Inuit Owned Lands in Nunavut, if at all. 


This is not to deny that there is potentially enormous economic profitability for Inuit in Nunavut as a result of this prudent policy that secures revenue just when mineral development on IOLs in Nunavut is on the cusp of substantial growth. However, it is important to acknowledge that while the passage of this resource revenue policy attempts to ensure benefits to Inuit, it does not unconditionally guarantee a beneficial outcome from mineral development. 


Canada's National Shipbuilding Procurement Strategy: New Capabilities for Arctic





by Malte Humpert The Canadian government recently announced the results of the bidding process to construct vessels for the National Shipbuilding Procurement Strategy. Canada plans to spend $33 billion on 28 large combat and non-combat vessels over the next 30 years. As part of that procurement the Royal Canadian Navy is slated to receive six to eight Arctic Offshore Patrol Ships (A/OPS). The Canadian Coastguard meanwhile will see the addition of a new Polar-class icebreaker in 2017. 

The A/OPS are one of the centerpieces of Canada's Northern Strategy and will conduct armed sea-borne surveillance in Canada's waters. Currently, the Canadian Navy can patrol the coastal waters of Atlantic and the Pacific, but does not have the capability to effectively patrol the Arctic Ocean. The Navy can only operate in northern waters for a short period of time, and only when there is no ice. The Northern strategy aims to strengthen Arctic sovereignty and protect the region's environmental heritage.

Canada lays claim to parts of the Arctic, including the Northwest Passage, which could become an important shipping route as sea ice continues to recede. The United States and the EU, among others, contend that the passage is an international strait and should be considered international waters. 

The new ships will be based in Halifax, Nova Scotia as well as Esquimalt, British Columbia. In order to accommodate the vessels and their operation the existing infrastructure will be expanded and upgraded. In addition a refueling and docking facility will be constructed in Nanisivik, Nunavut.

According to the Canadian government the "ships will have sufficient flexibility to operate independently and effectively in Canada's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), including such diverse environments as the Canadian Arctic, the Grand Banks of Newfoundland and off the Northwest coast of the Queen Charlotte Islands. The ships would also be capable of navigating the St-Lawrence River on a year-round basis and berthing in Quebec City."

Over the course of their 25-year lifespan the A/OPS will cost $7.4 billion - $3.1 billion for construction and $4.3 billion for operation and maintenance. The Canadian government's plan to obtain A/OPS follows on the heels of similar vessels launched in Norway and Denmark. The Norwegian Coast Guard icebreaker and offshore patrol vessel KV Svalbard entered into service in 2001. The Royal Danish Navy has operated a smaller version of A/OPS, the Knud Rasmussen, since 2008. The Canadian vessels' area of operation will be at great distances from their homeports, requiring the ships to be able to sustain operations for up to four months and at least 6800 nautical miles. From Halifax to the refueling station in Nanisivik the vessels will have to travel nearly 3,000 nm, the same distance as crossing the Atlantic Ocean.

The vessels' thick ice-strengthened hull will allow them to operate year-round in medium first-year ice and ensure their own mobility without the need for icebreaker assistance. The vessels will, however, not provide icebreaking services to other ships. Critics point out that A/OPS are significantly heavier than non-Arctic vessels of similar size. While the ice-strengthened hull design is required for operation in the Arctic during the summer months, the added weight makes them less efficient and more expensive to operate during the rest of the year.

The Canadian Coast Guard is to receive a new Polar-class icebreaker, the CCGS John G. Diefenbaker, in 2017 giving the agency increased coverage in the Canadian Arctic and allowing it "to operate during three seasons in the Arctic, over a larger area and in more difficult ice conditions than is currently possible." The vessel will be 120-140 meters in length, carry 100 personnel, and provide accommodation for 25 additional people, e.g. scientists and researchers. Construction on the vessel is scheduled to begin in 2013 and the Coast Guard anticipates final acceptance for late 2017. It will be the largest and most powerful vessel ever owned by the Canadian government.

The investments into Arctic infrastructure and vessels come in the light of a recent public opinion poll which concluded that "many Canadians felt that Arctic sovereignty [isn’t] as great of a priority as the government says it is." The majority of respondents agreed Arctic sovereignty was important, but stated that it should not trump other issues such as health care.


Arctic National Parks - Establishing National Sovereignty or Genuine Promotion of Tourism






by Anneliese Guess The Arctic is becoming the last frontier for extreme tourists in search of exotic vacation destinations. The region’s tourism industry has shown recent signs of development, as indicated by Chinese plans to develop ecotourism in Iceland as well as an influx in cruise ships visiting the Northern latitudes. In spite of signs that Arctic tourism may be picking up, it is extremely limited at this stage and challenges specific to the region will prove difficult to overcome. Constraints include: limitations to accessibility, costs, security issues, lack of infrastructure, preservation of wildlife and the Arctic ecosystem, and competition with the energy and natural resources industry.

With the creation of the Russkaya Arktika (Russian Arctic) National Park in June 2009, Russia is following in the footsteps of other Arctic Nations, including the U.S., which established the Gate to the Arctic National Park (1980) in Alaska and Canada, which established Quttinirpaaq (1988), Aulavik (1992), and Sirmilik (2001) National Parks in Nunavut. The Russian Arctic consists of 15 million hectares, including the two major archipelagos Novaya Zemlya and Franz Josef Land. The latter is situated about 540 miles from the North Pole and is a convenient and popular stop for cruise liners. [1] Tourists to this remote region generally come to see the landscape and wildlife: Both archipelagos are home to significant populations of polar bears, walruses, and birds. Tourists can also visit the historic expedition sites of High North pioneers.

The Russian Arctic National Park aims to preserve the biodiversity and integrity of the territory, foster science and research efforts, and provide a framework for Arctic tourism. Additionally, the creation of park may serve to to bolster Russia’s arctic claims and help it to establish territorial sovereignty. Former director of the Franz Josef Land Nature Reserve, Gennady Danilov stated in a 2009 interview: "The aim of creating the park is not only and not so much to preserve nature as to ensure national security. If territory is uninhabited it may be put under international control. This is why all countries assign the status of a national park to all uninhabited territories. This is what happens on Alaska, Greenland and the Canadian islands. Nobody can claim a territory with this status." [2]


Russian officials, however, have been promoting the park as a research and tourist site, refraining from commenting on the security implications of the region. Roman Viktorovich recently took over the leadership of the Russian Arctic and is optimistic for the park’s future. He plans to build a visitor center, a museum, and additional buildings to host tourists in Arkhangelsk near park headquarters. In 2011, the first summer the park has been open, he reports “11 tours and…more than 800 tourists” (90% of them are foreign tourists). [3]

Despite Viktorovich’s optimism, Arctic tourism is only possible during two to three months of the year and most tours originate from Murmansk via nuclear-powered icebreakers, raising issue of accessibility and fear of environmental harm. Arctic Expedition cruises that bring most tourists to the North Pole are also very expensive; Danilov estimates that a two week-tour runs between $20,000 [4] and $30,000 and luxury suites can cost as must as $70,000. [5] Viktorovich estimates that a trip from Arkhangelsk costs significnatly less, at about $7,000-$8,000 and he has plans to make trips more affordable in the future. [6]

Still, the development of infrastructure is difficult in the Arctic due to long transport distances and difficult working conditions. The Russian Arctic Park is looking to tourism strategies used by Svalbard to shape their plans. Svalbard hosts more than 60,000 tourists a year, thanks to development of infrastructure and successful advertising campaigns. [7]

Furthermore, both the now-defunct BP-Rosneft deal and the recent Exxonmobil-Rosneft deal, raise questions about the territorial integrity of the national park. Both deals include territory currently belonging to the Russian Arctic. [8] It is widely speculated that the Russian government will forfeit some of the preserved land to honor the specifications of this deal, which would not only take away from the park’s area, but also potentially bring drilling operations close to the border of the park. [9]

Although the Russian Arctic experienced a successful initial summer, development of tourism in the region is riddled with problems. Only time will tell if the Russian government can effectively overcome the present obstacles and develop a sustainable and accessible High North tourism industry.




sources:
[1] Sazhenova, Anastasia. “Russia ready to boost Arctic tourism.” Barents Observer. August 29, 2011.
http://www.barentsobserver.com/russia-ready-to-boost-arctic-tourism.4953246-16176.html
[2] Sazhenova, Anastasia. 
[3] Sazhenova, Anastasia. 
[4] “Gennady Danilov: the ‘Russian Arctic’ national park will not be opened in time.” RIA Novosti. April 16, 2010. http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20100416/158616123.html
[5] “Russian Arctic National Park on Novaya Zemlya.” Tourism and Aviation. Decmber 15, 2010. http://www.tourismandaviation.com/news-5175--Russian_Arctic_national_park_on_Novaya_Zemlya
[6] http://www.barentsobserver.com/russia-ready-to-boost-arctic-tourism.4953246-16176.html
[7] Shalyov, Andrey. “Tourism in Arctic: attractive and accessible.” Barents Observer. May 27, 2011. http://www.barentsobserver.com/tourism-in-arctic-attractive-and-accessible.4926204.html
[8] Domnitskaya, Maria. “Russia’s Arctic plans.” The Voice of Russia. Aguust 26, 2011. http://www.mpa-russia.ru/en/news2/bprosneft/
[9] Bachman, Jessica. “Russia may tweak Arctic park border for oil firms: WWF.” Reuters. February, 18. 2011. http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:ZH_HS_MlHWYJ:www.reuters.com/article/2011/02/18/us-russia-oil-arctic-idUSTRE71H5GD20110218+russia+may+tweak+arctic&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us